Co-ops and resistance in Rojava

Co-ops in the region offer a vision of an alternative society built on mutual aid, gender equality and ecological sustainability

Northeast Syria is a region with a complex history of conflict and upheaval, but it is also a place of remarkable grassroots democracy and self-sufficiency. The people of Rojava, displaced, battered by war, and displaced again, use co-operative organising as a means of resilience, solidarity and survival.

Here, co-ops are more than economic enterprises; they represent a vision of an alternative society built on mutual aid, gender equality and ecological sustainability. Yet, this vision faces existential threats—most critically from Turkey and the weaponisation of water through bombing of the Tishreen Dam, and control of the crucial Alouk Water Station.

For decades, the people of Northeast Syria – Kurds, Yazidis, Assyrians, Arabs, and others – lived under the rule of the Ba’athist regime, which marginalised them politically, economically and culturally. 

At this time, people “were not allowed to have any forms of [self-organisation],” explains Aras, a member of the Water for Rojava committee, speaking at the Syria Coops Update: Water Wars Amid Regime Change event organised by the UK-based Solidarity Economy Association in March. 

“The regime would try to separate people, supporting one group and oppressing another.”

The 2011 Syrian uprisings and subsequent ‘civil war’ created a space for the people of Rojava to take control of their own future. Inspired by ideas of democratic confederalism, they built a system rooted in local governance, gender equality, and economic self-sufficiency. It also led to the formation of co-operatives, including worker-run farms, factories and businesses that provided for communities.

Related: Solidarity economy: Case studies from Rojava and Jackson, Mississippi

In a region where state structures had collapsed and global aid was inconsistent, these co-ops became lifelines for people who had been displaced multiple times. “For the people in Northeast Syria… they were doubly oppressed,” said Aras. “But right now, after the revolution, they are making something new.”

While co-ops have become the backbone of Rojava’s economy and social structure, the struggle over water has emerged as a defining issue. And the Tishreen Dam and Alouk Water Station, both vital sources of electricity and irrigation, have become flashpoints in the struggle.

Built on the Euphrates River, the Tishreen Dam is one of the region’s most critical pieces of infrastructure. It provides electricity and sustains agriculture – but Turkey, which opposes the self-administration of Northeast Syria, has been accused of directly bombing the dam, while also restricting water flow to the region through its occupation of the Alouk Water Station. This has led to loss of power for the civilian population, crop failures and drinking water crises.

The Alouk Water Station has been a particular point of contention due to its importance in the distribution of water throughout the vast Hasakeh region. It sits at the centre of the conflict between the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF, a Kurdish-led multi-ethnic coalition of U.S.-backed left-wing defence forces that has been at the forefront of the autonomous revolution in Northeast Syria) and the Turkish-backed Syrian National Army (SNA) – which has been accused of numerous atrocities. Turkey, meanwhile, has been accused of attacking water facilities as part of a broader assault on the autonomous region’s self-governance efforts.

“There is a deliberate strategy to weaken the region,” said SEA’s Jo Taylor. “People here are exhausted from war, but now all the means of sustaining life in the region are being systematically attacked.”

In December, the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) said it was “highly concerned about the potential humanitarian consequences of ongoing hostilities near various essential infrastructure in Aleppo Governorate”, which put critical facilities (such as dams, power stations and water treatment facilities) at risk. “Any damage to these important facilities may cause their disruption or full collapse with potential catastrophic humanitarian consequences for millions of civilians.”

The same month, the UN reported that hostilities affected water and electricity access for at least 413,000 people in Manbij and Kobane.

On 22 March – World Water Day – international solidarity movements supported the launch of the Water for Hasakeh campaign, calling for Alouk Water Station to be demilitarised and “placed in the hands of a neutral third party to solve the water crisis in Northeast Syria”, and organisers are calling for widespread support. 

“We need help amplifying awareness of the campaign,” said Taylor. “Fundraising is also crucial, as there is quite a lot of work being done visiting decision-makers and influencers across Europe to advocate for the cause.”

Water scarcity is not just an ecological crisis, Aras added, it is a political crisis. “Controlling water means controlling life itself, and for a region trying to build a new society, the stakes could not be higher. When you cut off water, you are attacking every aspect of society – agriculture, electricity, health.”

Despite these challenges, the co-op movement in Rojava continues to grow. The region is home to women-led agricultural projects, worker-run bakeries, and community-based energy initiatives. The women’s economy committee, which operates under the broader women’s organisation Kongra Star, has been instrumental in developing these economic models.

“It was founded in 2005,” said Aras. “At that time, it was called Yekitiya Star, and later it evolved into what we have now. It was about creating something sustainable outside the capitalist system.”

The region now has a unique social system, he added, “based on grassroots democracy and gender liberation; it’s a real, sincere commitment to everyone having a voice, having a say and being able to participate, not just crossing a ballot paper once every four years.” 

A huge part of this is education, to “help everyone get a voice and everyone be organised and able to represent themselves according to their identity”.

In Rojava’s “bottom-up social system … every house is connected to a neighbourhood commune where people can come together and discuss their problems and try to solve them at that level. Any that couldn’t be solved would move up to the city-wide assemblies, made up from representatives from all the communes, and then to regional level.”

The co-ops also have a strong commitment to ecology, which, admits Aras, is “really hard”.

“It’s not easy, especially in places like Syria where nature itself, like the economy, has been so damaged over the years, but we are taking small steps here in this region towards everyone being able to live a different way, in a system that is in peace with the planet and not doing any more damage to it. It’s a huge principle behind lots of projects here.”

But it didn’t happen overnight. “It took 30 years of organising underground before the start of the revolution to build up the structures that are now in place in Rojava,” said Taylor. “It takes a long time to build a self-organised society. It’s about creating strong organisations, political education and relationships between movements.”

Co-operatives in Northeast Syria offer a glimpse into a different way of organising society. For those who believe in economic democracy, ecological sustainability and grassroots resistance, Rojava is not just a place, but a lesson in what is possible.