Yet again the debate over funding the Co-operative Party has been brought into the arena.
It is an ongoing battle between pro-Labour and pro-[enter-your-political-party-here] camps. That some co-operatives indirectly fund some Labour politicians through the party angers some members.
The latest knock for the party came from Midcounties Co-operative that announced it was reconsidering the way it was funding the organisation by asking it to apply to a campaigns fund – which would be open across a political spectrum.
Nothing is firmly decided about the society’s funding arrangement, but if the political pot is only one size and if members have a wish to spread this across other organisations then it seems logical that party funding will be reduced.
The Co-operative Group’s unreleased Have Your Say survey earlier this year attracted criticism for its “leading” questions on political links to the party.
The Co-operative Party’s deeply ingrained links with Labour will never change. There is nothing wrong with having a voice at the top table of one political party – as was evident at Labour’s recent policy forum where it discussed co-op options when planning its 2015 manifesto. The question we must ask is, would this have happened without the Co-operative Party?
Some radical and brave moves will have to be taken to turn the party into a truly independent campaigning organisation/lobbyist/think-tank/party for co-operation. There are many options open to the party, but as it currently stands it is not the vehicle to engage with the Conservatives/Lib Dems/Greens (etc…). And that’s okay.
Others, such as Co-operatives UK, lobby the government of the day on co-op issues and have had some successes. Also, a Conservative peer recently kickstarted a conversation in Westminster on co-operative schools. So, co-operation isn’t just an exclusive Labour club.
The real threat for the Co-operative Party is its funding arrangements. It only has the backing of a few retail co-operatives, so it is not widely financially supported by the movement – despite its work in areas such as housing and credit unions (though activists in these areas may choose to become individual members).
One of the game-changing decisions will come from the Co-operative Group. If its governance reforms allow members to vote on issues such as political funding at next year’s annual meeting, then there will be a fierce ‘yes/no’ political campaign to decide its fate.
If that funding fell through, the party has a strong and dedicated membership base where it receives a healthy income of £150,000 – so the party will never disappear (though it will be different). With 7,700 members it is the biggest grassroots co-operative campaigning organisation in the country. On Twitter it has double that number of followers (the highest of any UK co-operative organisation apart from the Co-operative Group). So it does have a force and is directly connected with policymakers.
But in Northern Ireland, Scotland and Wales, politicians there have shown that co-operation is open through cross-party groups.
The answer is not simple and is untested. Will the movement’s political strength be reduced with a more limited party or will politically neutrality increase our lobbying abilities?
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